17 extension to all citizens of liberties enjoyed by the townships of the twelfth century. 'l'he abolition of capital punishment, trial by jury for all "crimes" (there was a more liberal jury in the twelfth century), the election of magistrates, the right of bringing public officials to trial, the abolition of standing armies, free instruction, et<:., everything that is pointed out as an invention of modern liberalism, is but a return to the freedom _whichexisted before Church and King had laid hands upon every manifestation of human life. 1'hus the prptection of exploitation directly by laws on property, and indirootly by the maintenance o( the ·state is both the spirit and the substance of our modern codes, and the one function of our costly legislative machinery. But it is time we gave up being satisfied with mere phrases, and learned to appreciate their real signification. The la.w, which on its first appearari.ce presented itself as a compendium of customs useful for the preservation of society, is now perceived to be nothing but an instrument for the maintenance of exploitation, and the domination of the toiling masses by rich idlers. At the present day its civilising mission is nil; it has but one object, to bolster up exploitation. This is what is told us by history as to the development of law. Is it in virtue of this history that we are 'Called upon to respect it? Certainly not. It has no more title to respect than capital, the fruit of piJlage; and the first duty of the re~olutionists of the nineteenth century will be to make a bonfire of all existing laws, as they will of all titles to property. B bliotpca Gino Bianco
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